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Less taxes, more taxes

Fiscal federalism is almost upon us. And while the League is claiming victory, many citizens are wondering what the actual impact on their economic and social condition.
The slogan "less taxes for all" is no longer a cliché of political theater of the real administrative option. Fiscal federalism had in this regard, initially set high expectations. Now things are beginning to be for what they are: the transfer of powers to local authorities will be without sufficient financial resources and because of the severe crisis of public finance, the regions and municipalities will be obliged to introduce new heavy taxes and new taxes to make ends meet.
Faced with this situation, we must put aside the slogans and then finally seriously. Get serious means, for example, to clear the issue of tax revenue.
To begin with, it is good that people know what you're talking about. What
daily call "taxes" is, in fact, two radically different tax categories: taxes, on the one hand, and taxes and real and his other hand. This is not to introduce specious academic distinctions but to make clear what is the substantial difference between the two instruments of taxation.
Taxes are the price citizens pay for public services: those are taxes on waste, ports and airports, traffic, etc..
In fact, more and more for certain public services to quantify, the actual tax system is being replaced by specific pricing (this is the case, for example, waste).
taxes instead are a tribute not tied to a specific public service constitutes a levy to cover general government spending. According to Article 53 of our Constitution: "Every person shall contribute to public expenditure because of their ability to pay. The tax system is based on criteria of progressivity. "
this policy of progressive improvement, based on the principle" who has more, pay more ", no one today seems to want to remember. The "taxes" have thus prevailed even in language as well as in political practice.
Here then is that, given the crisis in local finance, the most immediate and automatic response is to increase taxes and fees.
E 'success in Venice, a few months ago, with the rates of public transport and is likely to happen in the short to waste, school canteens and many other essential public services. In this way, inequality is clear: everyone pays the same contribution, whether it be with an unemployed or a student, be it of a rich landowner. The effect is clearly regressive because the sacrifice for those with low incomes and an irrepressible need is much higher than those with high incomes and benefits, as an alternative, private facilities (the most emblematic case is the health care). To reaffirm
a minimum of fair taxation, we must go back to talk about taxes. It 'is well known that local authorities do not have "fiscal autonomy", but they must, willy-nilly if they will not get it bankruptcy. First, the additional tax. But not enough. We need a tax on buildings and on large estates. And in Venice it is needed more than elsewhere, because this city can not be treated as a cash cow, however, particularly debilitated, where those who benefit most do not bother if you can eat enough! The French often
remember that it was for a different tax justice who made the revolution of '89. His cousins, the Alps, individual rights and duties of citizens are the very architecture of the communities themselves. For this reason, pay taxes in France is an essential part being a citizen. The Italian story is different: with many revolutions and without real mediation. Yet we need the same materials to reconstruct a pact of trust between citizens, a new deal that will allow us to get out of the quagmire in which we live.
It 's time that singers of liberalism stop preaching that with the growth of government revenues increase again, because there is no development where there is the least to prepare for the future. A minimum called school, health, maintenance of existing infrastructure, efficient transport, etc..
Why, to dispel another common place for some time, in our beautiful country, but rather not pay more Pants poor Harlequin. It 's time to change the script.

Giampietro Pizzo

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It 's a luxury that we can not afford

Just browse any newspaper, Italian or European, coated or not, to realize how much attention to luxury and economy resulting is predominant. Yet the dramatic figures of the crisis are there for all to see: net loss of purchasing power of most workers, rising rates of unemployment and underemployment, with peaks of exceptional severity among young people and regions of the South, more people in poverty or at risk of social exclusion.
Here instead multiply everywhere Exclusive Luxury Hotel and Resort, sprouting like mushrooms, in town and the province, wellness centers and luxury homes, appear by magic in an Italian landscape has always been hostile, for obvious reasons, in this type of infrastructure, golf courses and marinas for yachts and superyachts.

E 'a few days ago an article (New Venice 28/9/10) accompanied by a map of Lido di Venezia show in which all real estate operations expected in the coming years. A closer look, surprising as more than a billion euro of new real estate investments, albeit indirectly, anything about public services (schools, health, social work) or standard housing facilities. No. 'instead swarming with luxury homes, docks, luxury resorts, swimming pools, etc.. And what applies to the Lido, is the historic city. And what is true of Venice seems to be constant so many parts of our "happy" Italian territory.
Moreover this is the country of Scrooge and Berlusconi Villa Certosa, in which, the chief executive, Sergio Marchionne, earn 435 times as derived from their daily work to an employee Pomigliano d'Arco. Why wonder then that the most promising market is the luxury goods and investment elite?


seems to be back in three centuries ago, when full 700 European intellectuals are questioned and the effects on luxury consumption risicatissima a caste of nobles and rentiers or could not produce the wealth of nations.
This debate, known as the "controversy over luxury, contrasted by famous authors such as Montesquieu, Voltaire and Rousseau and less known as Mandeville and Melon. Beyond the moral considerations on luxuries such as vice and debauchery, the crux of the issue was the very model of society to promote and encourage. In that context, in particular the analysis was part of what were the economic implications of increased stimulant consumption.


In the "luxury" written for the Encyclopédie by Jean-François de Saint-Lambert reports the main arguments in favor at the expense of luxury. Among the advantages are listed as "the welfare state, the circulation of money, the advancement of knowledge and the production of works of art, among the disadvantages are mentioned:" the unequal distribution of wealth, the destruction of the landscape, ' weakening of the courage and the stifling of public interests. "

Why repeat now, in 2010, such considerations? I would say for two reasons.
The first is that although the economy of luxury had a specific function in support of demand and therefore economic growth in the pre-industrial European states, historically the situation is deeply changed. For a long time after the war, the creation - as the economists would say - of effective demand has been allocated to public spending and welfare policies in particular.
Why today should therefore focus on the ancient economy of luxury rather than advocating a democratic revival of investment in public services? The question is deliberately naive and equally obvious answer: the market, beauty!
But when it comes, like the Lido of Venice, public decision making in favor of private financial groups that invest in property and luxury of common land resources that will benefit few people, this answer is not obvious and banal more acceptable.
The second consideration is more bitter: the role of luxury consumption in European societies of the eighteenth century coincided with a situation of widespread poverty and inequity was clearly the product of scary. This dramatic situation, you know, was translated, the end of the Age of Enlightenment, in the collapse of the ancien regime and the outbreak of the revolution of 1789. And the epilogue is well known: many of the leading supporters of the effective demand were the guests of Madame Guillotine.


Giampietro Pizzo